Press Release by Operation Anti-Sexual Harassment/Assault on Sexual Assaults during 30 June Demonstrations (Video)

[Hotline information from Operation Anti-Sexual Harassment/Assault] [Hotline information from Operation Anti-Sexual Harassment/Assault]

Press Release by Operation Anti-Sexual Harassment/Assault on Sexual Assaults during 30 June Demonstrations (Video)

By : Jadaliyya Reports

[The following press release was issued by Operation Anti-Sexual Harassment/Assault (OpAntiSH) on 2 July 2013.]

Press Release: Mob Sexual Assaults Reported to OpAntiSH during June 30th Demonstrations Hit Catastrophic Skies

Mob sexual assaults reported to OpAntiSH during June 30th demonstrations hit catastrophic skies. Organizers bear responsibility and the Muslim Brotherhood reaches a new political low by politically exploiting reports.

During the massive demonstrations that swept Egypt to overturn Mohamed Morsi, Operation Anti-Sexual Harassment/Assault (OpAntiSH) received 46 reports of mob sexual assaults on women in the vicinity of Tahrir Square. The seriousness of the assaults ranged from mob sexual harassment and assault, to raping female protestors using knives and sharp objects. The incidents started occurring from around 6:00pm Sunday evening and continued until around 2am. The most common areas for the targeted sexual assaults to occur were around the multiple entrances leading into Tahrir square.

Some survivors suffering from shock as a result of the attacks received psychological support and numerous cases required medical intervention, including one surgery. These 46cases only represent those which were reported to OpAntiSH, which the group was able to follow-up on and intervene in. However, OpAntiSH estimates that this number is likely to be much lower than the actual number of assaults that occurred. Nevertheless, one case of mob sexual assault should be sufficient to prompt the entire society to fight sexual harassment and assaults. A woman’s life and the inviolability of her body are neither numbers nor statistics.

OpAntiSH observed cases of physical attacks against women by men using sticks at the entrance/exit to the Sadat metro station in front of Kentucky Fried Chicken and received reports of women being kidnapped in vehicles. The increasing seriousness of sexual assaults on female protestors is a reflection of the increasing sexual violence against women in general, perpetrated by both society and the state, which negatively impacts women`s participation in the public sphere.

Operation Anti-Sexual Harassment/Assault expresses its disappointment in the government’s response to mob sexual assaults on female protestors. While the presidency has exploited the incidents for political gain in the media, a source at the Ministry of Health violated the privacy of one of the survivors, publishing details of the assault, her name, and the name of the hospital in which she was receiving treatment, in a blatant violation of the most basic rules and ethics of the medical profession.

The exploitation of these assaults bythe presidency and the Muslim Brotherhood is a further violation of these women. In this regard, OpAntiSH rejects the use of its statements for political gains or objectives. Throughout the past year, the presidency has not only failed to respond to such incidents, but has placed responsibility for the assaults on the women who were attacked. On February 11, 2013, members of the Shura Council’s Human Rights Committee put the responsibility for harassment and rape on the women themselves for participating in the protests, and described what occurred in some of the tents in the square as “prostitution”. General Adel Afifi, a member of the committee, criticized women, saying, “Girls who join [the protests]do so knowing they are in the middle of thugs and street types. She must protect herself before asking the Ministry of Interior to do so. Sometimes a girl contributes 100% to her rape because she puts herself in those circumstances." He added that what happens in some of the tents in the squares is prostitution.

While the Presidency has paid attention to the recent assaults for political gain, it cannot be believed that they have developed a sudden concern for women’s physical safety or their full right to protest, when their position on issues of equality and women`s rights is well known. The Muslim Brotherhood, which has suddenly become deeply concerned about the safety of female protestors, is the same Muslim Brotherhood that considers female genital mutilation a custom and cultural trait, and whose ministries and governors lacked women. Their animosity towards women has reached the extent that in previous months they opposed the document on violence against women issued by the United Nations. We should not forget that female protestors joined the protests to oppose patriarchy.

It’s worth mentioning that reports of sexual harassment and assaults have not only been marginalized and not taken seriously by the government, but those who try to submit are port against sexual violence often endure insults and mockery, and in some cases even harassment. The current regime also continues in the tradition of the Mubarak regime and the Supreme Council of Armed Forces (SCAF) to use sexual violence as a means to torture and terrify men and women in prisons and police stations.  

At a time when we are all aware that the security of the square is the collective responsibility of everyone in it, we cannot ignore the failure on the part of political parties and groups, which call for large demonstrations, to take an interest in securing the square. We have repeatedly demanded that the security of female protestors must be put on the agendas of the political parties during the coordination of protests and sit-ins, but without seeing any actual or tangible results on the ground. Therefore, Operation Anti-Sexual Harassment/Assault repeats its call to political parties and groups to take responsibility, not by issuing statements of condemnation and regret, but rather by taking tangible steps, such as illuminating the entrances to the square, especially where incidents of sexual assault repeatedly occur like Mohammed Mahmoud Street and the entrance by the Arab League. The parties should also push their members and youths to actively participate in large numbers in the initiatives to combat mob sexual harassment and assaults. Last but not least, the parties and groups organizing these protests must not fall into the trap of politicizing the issue of harassment and assault to heap accusations upon opposing political groups without basis or proof.

OpAntiSH also calls on the media to distance itself from treating these issues as sexually or socially provocative subjects, and we assert the importance of respecting the privacy of the survivors and their desire not to appear before the media. We again stress that an obsession with statistics isn`t a suitable entry point for such issues, but rather that the focus should be on the seriousness of the assault and the need to hold the perpetrators accountable.

Finally, Operation Anti-Sexual Harassment/Assault would like to salute all the women in the squares of Egypt, as well as the male and female volunteers in the groups (Tahrir Bodyguard & OpAntiSH) who protect Tahrir Square and intervene in cases of mob sexual harassment and assault, despite the great risks they face.

Please note that this press release is about the June 30th protests only. On Monday July 1st, OpAntiSH documented over 17 cases, but a final count is underway.

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Past is Present: Settler Colonialism Matters!

On 5-6 March 2011, the Palestine Society at the School of Oriental and African Studies (SOAS) in London will hold its seventh annual conference, "Past is Present: Settler Colonialism in Palestine." This year`s conference aims to understand Zionism as a settler colonial project which has, for more than a century, subjected Palestine and Palestinians to a structural and violent form of destruction, dispossession, land appropriation and erasure in the pursuit of a new Jewish Israeli society. By organizing this conference, we hope to reclaim and revive the settler colonial paradigm and to outline its potential to inform and guide political strategy and mobilization.

The Israeli-Palestinian conflict is often described as unique and exceptional with little resemblance to other historical or ongoing colonial conflicts. Yet, for Zionism, like other settler colonial projects such as the British colonization of Ireland or European settlement of North America, South Africa or Australia, the imperative is to control the land and its resources -- and to displace the original inhabitants. Indeed, as conference keynote speaker Patrick Wolfe, one of the foremost scholars on settler colonialism and professor at La Trobe University in Victoria, Australia, argues, "the logic of this project, a sustained institutional tendency to eliminate the Indigenous population, informs a range of historical practices that might otherwise appear distinct--invasion is a structure not an event."[i]

Therefore, the classification of the Zionist movement as a settler colonial project, and the Israeli state as its manifestation, is not merely intended as a statement on the historical origins of Israel, nor as a rhetorical or polemical device. Rather, the aim is to highlight Zionism`s structural continuities and the ideology which informs Israeli policies and practices in Palestine and toward Palestinians everywhere. Thus, the Nakba -- whether viewed as a spontaneous, violent episode in war, or the implementation of a preconceived master plan -- should be understood as both the precondition for the creation of Israel and the logical outcome of Zionist settlement in Palestine.

Moreover, it is this same logic that sustains the continuation of the Nakba today. As remarked by Benny Morris, “had he [David Ben Gurion] carried out full expulsion--rather than partial--he would have stabilised the State of Israel for generations.”[ii] Yet, plagued by an “instability”--defined by the very existence of the Palestinian nation--Israel continues its daily state practices in its quest to fulfill Zionism’s logic to maximize the amount of land under its control with the minimum number of Palestinians on it. These practices take a painful array of manifestations: aerial and maritime bombardment, massacre and invasion, house demolitions, land theft, identity card confiscation, racist laws and loyalty tests, the wall, the siege on Gaza, cultural appropriation, and the dependence on willing (or unwilling) native collaboration and security arrangements, all with the continued support and backing of imperial power. 

Despite these enduring practices however, the settler colonial paradigm has largely fallen into disuse. As a paradigm, it once served as a primary ideological and political framework for all Palestinian political factions and trends, and informed the intellectual work of committed academics and revolutionary scholars, both Palestinians and Jews.

The conference thus asks where and why the settler colonial paradigm was lost, both in scholarship on Palestine and in politics; how do current analyses and theoretical trends that have arisen in its place address present and historical realities? While acknowledging the creativity of these new interpretations, we must nonetheless ask: when exactly did Palestinian natives find themselves in a "post-colonial" condition? When did the ongoing struggle over land become a "post-conflict" situation? When did Israel become a "post-Zionist" society? And when did the fortification of Palestinian ghettos and reservations become "state-building"?

In outlining settler colonialism as a central paradigm from which to understand Palestine, this conference re-invigorates it as a tool by which to analyze the present situation. In doing so, it contests solutions which accommodate Zionism, and more significantly, builds settler colonialism as a political analysis that can embolden and inform a strategy of active, mutual, and principled Palestinian alignment with the Arab struggle for self-determination, and indigenous struggles in the US, Latin America, Oceania, and elsewhere.

Such an alignment would expand the tools available to Palestinians and their solidarity movement, and reconnect the struggle to its own history of anti-colonial internationalism. At its core, this internationalism asserts that the Palestinian struggle against Zionist settler colonialism can only be won when it is embedded within, and empowered by, the broader Arab movement for emancipation and the indigenous, anti-racist and anti-colonial movement--from Arizona to Auckland.

SOAS Palestine Society invites everyone to join us at what promises to be a significant intervention in Palestine activism and scholarship.

For over 30 years, SOAS Palestine Society has heightened awareness and understanding of the Palestinian people, their rights, culture, and struggle for self-determination, amongst students, faculty, staff, and the broader public. SOAS Palestine society aims to continuously push the frontiers of discourse in an effort to make provocative arguments and to stimulate debate and organizing for justice in Palestine through relevant conferences, and events ranging from the intellectual and political impact of Edward Said`s life and work (2004), international law and the Palestine question (2005), the economy of Palestine and its occupation (2006), the one state (2007), 60 Years of Nakba, 60 Years of Resistance (2009), and most recently, the Left in Palestine (2010).

For more information on the SOAS Palestine Society 7th annual conference, Past is Present: Settler Colonialism in Palestine: www.soaspalsoc.org

SOAS Palestine Society Organizing Collective is a group of committed students that has undertaken to organize annual academic conferences on Palestine since 2003.

 


[i] Patrick Wolfe, Settler Colonialism and the Transformation of Anthropology: The Politics and Poetics of an Ethnographic Event, Cassell, London, p. 163

[ii] Interview with Benny Morris, Survival of the Fittest, Haaretz, 9. January 2004, http://cosmos.ucc.ie/cs1064/jabowen/IPSC/php/art.php?aid=5412